MACROECONOMIC POLICY AND FORECASTING
FORECAST
PROBABILITIES FOR INFLATION
AND
OUTPUT GROWTH INTO 2003
A
recession in the UK is unlikely. But low output growth, defined as being less
than 1% (for any quarter), has a forecast probability of 35% for the period up
to the end of the first quarter of 2003. And the probability of inflation
falling within its target range in 2002 has fallen to around 40% as the
likelihood of the rate going below 1.5% increases. These are some of the
predictions of macroeconomic modelling by Anthony
Garratt, Kevin Lee, Hashem Pesaran
and Yongchoel Shin, which were
presented at the Royal Economic Society’s Annual Conference on Tuesday 26
March.
The
research outlines a simple and transparent method for forecasting the
probability of macroeconomic events. Using UK data up to the first quarter of
2001 (2001q1), forecasts are computed for the probability of the following three
events:
·
First, the occurrence of inflation lying within the Bank of England’s
target range 1.5-3.5%, an event realised in 2001, which was forecast with high
probability estimates of 87% for 2001q2, 70% for 2001q3 and 54% for 2001q4. But
this is predicted to be less likely in 2002 with the probability estimate
falling to around 40%.
·
Second, recession, defined as the occurrence of two consecutive quarters
of negative output growth, is forecast with a probability of 10% for the period
2001q2-2003q1.
·
Third, the joint event of the inflation target being met and recession avoided (the
preferred policy outcome in relation to the trade-off between low inflation but
at the potential cost of low output growth or recession). The probability of
this event, which occurred, was forecast to be high in the short run, 87% in
2001q2, 63% in 2001q3 and 50% in 2001q4, but to fall to around 35% in 2002.
One
of the many problems economic forecasters and policy-makers face is conveying to
the public the degree of uncertainty associated with point forecasts. The fan
charts produced by the Bank of England are an important step towards
acknowledging the significance of forecast uncertainties in the decision-making
process and it is clearly a welcome innovation. But the approach suffers from
two major shortcomings:
·
First, it seems unlikely that independent researchers can replicate the
fan charts. This is largely due to the subjective manner in which uncertainty is
taken into account by the Bank, which does not readily lend itself to
independent analysis.
·
Second, the use of fan charts is limited for the analysis of uncertainty
associated with joint events. Currently, the Bank provides separate fan charts
for inflation and output growth forecasts, but in reality one may also be
interested in joint events involving both inflation and output growth.
This
research addresses both of these issues. It uses a small but comprehensive model
of the UK macroeconomy, the precise nature of which is specified such that the
sources of forecast uncertainty are clear. The researchers argue for the use of
probability forecasts as a method of characterising the uncertainties that
surround forecasts from a macroeconomic model, believing this to be superior to
the conventional way of trying to deal with this problem through the use of
confidence intervals.
They
then provide a general simulation framework, where each step is made explicit,
for the computation of probability forecasts and the characterisations of
different forms of uncertainty that surrounds them. The analysis of joint events
is straightforward in this multivariate setting, where the presentation of the
forecast uncertainty associated with such events is conveyed through the use of
a single probability estimate, exactly as in the single event case.
The
various probability forecasts presented in the study are encouraging from the
point of view of the government's inflation objectives. The probability of
inflation falling within the target range is quite high in the short run,
accompanied with only a small probability of a recession. The relatively low
probability of the inflation target being met at the slightly longer horizon
does not however represent a poor forecast from the point of view of the Bank of
England. Here, the probability of inflation falling within the target range
starts to decline, primarily due to a predicted rise in the probability of
inflation falling below 1.5%, the lower end of the target range. But while
recession is unlikely, low output growth, defined as being less than 1% (for any
quarter), has a forecast probability of 35% for the period 2001q2-2003q1.
ENDS
Notes
for Editors:
‘Forecast Uncertainties in Macroeconometric Modelling: An Application to the
UK Economy’ by Anthony Garratt, Kevin Lee, M. Hashem Pesaran and Yongchoel
Shin was presented at the Royal Economic Society’s 2002 Annual Conference at
the University of Warwick.
The
paper was delivered by Tony Garratt, who is at the Department of Applied
Economics, University of Cambridge, Sidgwick Avenue, Cambridge, CB3 9DE.
For
Further Information:
contact Tony Garratt on 01223-335270 (fax: 01223-335299; email: A.Garratt@econ.cam.ac.uk);
or RES Media Consultant Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095
(email: romesh@compuserve.com).
INACCURACIES
OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND’S
INFLATION
FORECASTS
The
Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) has been overestimating
uncertainty and the risks of higher inflation, according to new research by
Professor Ken Wallis of the
University of Warwick, presented at the Royal Economic Society’s Annual
Conference on Tuesday 26 March. His analysis of the ‘fan charts’ used to
represent probability forecasts of future inflation lead him to the following
conclusion:
‘The
demons that the MPC thought they saw did not materialise. These are early days
yet – the numbers are small, and the MPC is still learning. But these mistakes
have costs, and more accurate probabilities would have made earlier reductions
in interest rates more likely.’
Our
economic prospects are uncertain. In many areas of economic activity, it is
important to have forecasts of future developments, but these too are uncertain.
Forecasters often overlook this, and present forecasts as if they are exact –
‘inflation next year will be 2.4%’, for example – with no guidance as to
their likely accuracy.
In
1996, the National Institute of Economic and Social Research (NIESR) and the
Bank of England began to publish information about the uncertainty surrounding
their forecasts. This was a welcome development. The Bank presented estimates of
the complete probability distribution of possible outcomes for future inflation
up to two years ahead. Forecast intervals into which inflation might fall with
probabilities 10%, 20%, … , 90% were plotted, and since uncertainty increases
and the intervals ‘fan out’ as the forecasts get further into the future,
the plot has become known as the fan chart.
The
Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) has adopted this practice since its inauguration
in 1997. The fan charts give a full account of the MPC’s subjective assessment
of inflationary pressures, recognising its imprecision.
How
good the forecasts are is a question that is asked wherever forecasts are made.
It applies to probability forecasts too. If it turned out that it rained on half
the days Michael Fish said there was a 50% chance of rain, he would be doing a
good job. Ken Wallis’s study develops techniques for answering this question
for the fan chart forecasts, and applies them to the first three years of the
MPC’s forecasts.
He
finds that the average forecast of inflation one year ahead overestimates
inflation by 0.2%. But the novelty of the fan charts is the dispersion, not the
average. Here he finds that the fan charts overestimate uncertainty, and
overestimate the upside risks to the future outcome. Taking a central interval
into which inflation is forecast to fall half the time, he finds that inflation
actually fell there two-thirds of the time – the MPC overestimated
uncertainty. And inflation never fell above this range, whereas in an accurate
probability forecast this would have occurred one quarter of the time.
ENDS
Notes
for Editors:
‘Chi-squared Tests of Interval and Density Forecasts, and the Bank of
England’s Fan Charts’ by Kenneth F. Wallis was presented at the Royal Economic Society’s
2002 Annual Conference at the University of Warwick.
Wallis
is Emeritus Professor of Econometrics, Department of Economics, University of
Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL.
For
Further Information:
contact Ken Wallis on 024-7652-3055 (direct line: 024-7652-3026; home:
024-7641-4271; email K.F.Wallis@warwick.ac.uk;
website: http://www.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/Economics/wallis);
or RES Media Consultant Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095
(email: romesh@compuserve.com).
ECONOMIC
FORECASTING: LESSONS FROM RECENT RESEARCH
Economic
forecasters face two sources of uncertainty. The first is where the
probabilities involved are understood from past analyses. For example, this
source is reflected in the width of the Bank of England's fan charts. The second
is due to new unpredictable events - such as the oil crisis and the terrible
events of September 11 - and lies outside the usual calculations.
Although
the events in the second class are unpredictable, their consequences are not,
and so must be allowed for in theories of economic forecasting. Speaking at the
Royal Economic Society’s Annual Conference on Monday 25 March, Professor David Hendry showed how recent developments have achieved precisely
that, namely, allowing for both these sources. The resulting framework can
successfully explain many well-known phenomena in economic forecasting, hitherto
regarded as anomalies, including:
·
which methods should do well in forecasting competitions;
·
why serious forecast errors occur intermittently;
·
why it may pay to pool forecasts from several methods;
·
why a forecaster's ‘judgement' can improve model-based forecasts;
·
why ‘simple' models appear to perform well;
·
why some forms of such unexpected
sudden shifts are not as pernicious as others;
·
and why forecast accuracy need not decline as the horizon increases.
Surprisingly,
poor methods, inappropriate models and inaccurate data are not the main factors
in explaining earlier episodes of bad forecasting.
Most
of these findings were anomalous in previous theories. The new framework thus
provides a general theory against which future proposals can be judged. It also
has a number of important practical implications for forecasters:
·
different types of model may be preferable for forecasting and for
analysing economic policy;
·
some widely used methods of economic policy analysis are not robust to
unanticipated events;
·
and some popular econometric models fail systematically after major
shocks, whereas others are more robust.
Hendry
also discussed ten areas where further research is needed to clarify other
empirical findings that currently lack theoretical explanations, proposing his
framework as the vehicle for doing so given its success to date.
ENDS
Notes
for Editors:
‘Economic Forecasting: Some Lessons from Recent Research’ by David F. Hendry
and Michael P. Clements was presented at the Royal Economic Society’s 2002
Annual Conference at the University of Warwick.
Hendry
is in the Economics Department at Oxford University; Clements is in the
Economics Department at the University of Warwick. Their research was financed
by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) under grant L138251009.
For
Further Information:
contact Professor David Hendry on 01865-278554 (email via: maureen.baker@nuf.ox.ac.uk);
or RES Media Consultant Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095
(email: romesh@compuserve.com).
Monetary
policy-makers should pay more attention to asset prices, especially property
prices, in their conduct of monetary policy. Disregarding changes in equity and
property prices means that the macroeconomic outcomes are not as desirable as
they could be in terms of the stability of both prices and output. That is the
conclusion of new research by Charles
Goodhart and Boris Hofmann,
presented at the Royal Economic Society’s Annual Conference on Tuesday 26
March.
Goodhart
and Hofmann find that asset prices have a significant effect on future excess
demand conditions in the G7 countries and that property prices appear to have a
substantially larger effect on output than share prices. Property prices and
equity prices may affect future aggregate demand conditions via their effect on
private sector wealth and the borrowing capacity of households and firms, so
that a change in these asset prices may call for an offsetting response by
monetary policy.
But
the analysis of optimal monetary policy for inflation targeting is still mainly
based on models where property and share prices are not considered. In these
models, optimal monetary policy is given by a Taylor-type interest rate rule,
with the interest rate as a function of current and lagged inflation rates and
current and lagged output gaps. In addition, in open economies, monetary policy
reacts to the real exchange rate in order to offset its effect on future demand
conditions. Monetary policy does not respond to property or share prices.
There
are certainly good reasons why asset prices have been ignored in the conduct of
monetary policy. The main argument is that asset price movements are inherently
hard to interpret and that the central bank should not claim to have better
knowledge of whether a change in asset prices reflects economic fundamentals or
not. These researchers believe that these concerns should not lead to a complete
disregard of asset prices in the analysis of monetary policy, but rather to more
empirical effort to assess the information content of asset prices movements for
future excess demand conditions.
Based
on quarterly data over the period 1972-98, Goodhart and Hofmann estimate a
simple, small structural model for the G7 countries. They find that the future
output gap and future CPI inflation in the G7 countries are significantly
affected by the real interest rate and the real exchange rate, and also by real
property and real share prices. Real property prices have a substantially larger
effect on the output gap than share prices and the exchange rate.
Taking
the UK as an example, the researchers discuss the implications of the
significance of asset prices for the conduct of monetary policy. They show that
disregarding asset price movements would lead to a sub-optimal outcome for the
economy in terms of inflation and output gap variability. This result not only
obtains because the information contained in asset prices about future demand
conditions is be ignored, but also because their omission from the model
introduces considerable biases, so that monetary policy is based on a mis-specified
model of the economy.
The
research also shows how a Financial Conditions Index (FCI), a weighted average
of the short-term real interest rate, the real exchange rate, real property and
real share prices can be derived based on the estimated model for the UK. The
derived FCI appears to be a useful predictor of future CPI inflation.
ENDS
The
study was presented at a special session of the conference on ‘Monetary Policy
and Asset Prices‘, organised by Jagjit Chadha of the University of Cambridge.
The
other studies presented were ‘The
Role of Asset Prices in Transmitting Monetary and Other Shocks’ by Stephen
Millard and Simon Wells (Bank of England), ‘Optimal Monetary Policy, Asset
Prices and Financial Frictions’ by Jagjit Chadha (University of Cambridge) and
Charles Nolan (University of Durham) and ‘The Collapse of the Argentine Peso:
Economic Fundamentals or Self-fulfilling Panic?’ by Javier Fronti, Marcus
Miller and Lei Zhang (University of Warwick).
The
papers were discussed by Sumru Altug of the University of York.
For
Further Information:
contact Boris Hofmann on +49-228-73-1732 (fax: +49-228-73-1809; website: http://www.zei.de); or RES Media Consultant
Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095 (email: romesh@compuserve.com).
How
has UK monetary policy changed since the introduction of inflation targets
nearly a decade ago? Speaking
at the Royal Economic Society’s Annual Conference on Monday 25 March, Christopher
Martin and Costas
Milas described how UK interest
rates have been set since inflation targets were introduced in October 1992 and
since the Bank of England gained operational independence in May 1997. Their
research shows that:
·
Policy-makers
are not trying to hit the inflation target: they are attempting to keep
inflation within the range of 1.4%-2.6% rather than pursuing a precise target of
2.5%.
·
Monetary policy is more concerned with high inflation than with low
inflation, suggesting there is a deflationary bias.
·
Output and unemployment do not affect interest rates; policy-makers are
only concerned with the inflation rate.
·
Inflation
targets have changed how interest rates are set.
Inflation
targets have proved be a successful basis for monetary policy. Over the past
decade, countries with inflation targets have largely succeeded in maintaining
low inflation while also experiencing less output volatility, lower unemployment
and more predictable monetary policy. To quote Mervyn King: ‘inflation targets
form a clear and transparent framework for monetary policy …I think they are
here to stay’.
But
there are questions and concerns about inflation targets. Are policy-makers
trying to hit the inflation target or simply to keep inflation low? Is low
inflation seen as being as dangerous as high inflation? Do policy-makers
consider output growth or employment or do they focus entirely on inflation?
Have inflation targets made any difference to how interest rates are set?
ENDS
For
Further Information:
contact Costas Milas via email: costas.milas@brunel.ac.uk;
or RES Media Consultant Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095
(email: romesh@compuserve.com).
‘KEEP IT REAL!’: USING REAL-TIME DATA FOR
ECONOMIC POLICY EVALUATION
Evaluation of
past economic policy performance often uses data that were unavailable to the
policy-maker at the time. Speaking at the Royal Economic Society’s Annual Conference
on Tuesday 26 March, Don Egginton, Andreas
Pick and Shaun Vahey argued that it makes far more sense to use
‘real-time’ data, those faced by the policy-maker at the time. Their
application of this approach to monetary policy in the 1980s shows that data
mismeasurements did not in fact obscure the signs of high inflation as has been
subsequently claimed by the Chancellor of the time, Nigel Lawson.
Macroeconomic data are often subject to revisions as the statistical offices
update their estimates. These updates occur over long periods and sometimes lead
to drastic changes in the economic data. But policy evaluation should use the
data faced by policy-makers at the time, which are termed ‘real-time' data.
Until now,
real-time data sets have only existed for the United States, made available by
the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia. These researchers present a
complementary real-time macro data set for the UK, containing real-time data for
GDP, consumers' expenditure, unemployment, industrial production, retail sales,
monetary aggregates, budget deficit and average earnings.
The data are
downloadable from the project's web page: http://www.econ.cam.ac.uk/dae/keepitreal/
Using the newly developed real-time data, the authors investigate the claim that downward bias in the measurement of demand side variables disguised inflationary pressures in the late 1980s. It has been claimed by, among others, the then-Chancellor Nigel Lawson that inaccurate data contributed to the lack of policy responsiveness to inflationary pressures. These researchers find that the reality of the policy errors of that time is more apparent using real-time data than with current vintage data.
ENDS
Notes
for Editors:
‘Keep It Real!: A Real-time UK Macro Data Set’ by Don M. Egginton, Andreas
Pick and Shaun P. Vahey was presented at the Royal Economic Society’s 2002
Annual Conference at the University of Warwick.
Egginton
is at Daiwa Institute of Research Europe; Pick and Vahey are in the Faculty of
Economics and Politics, Austin Robinson Building, University of Cambridge,
Cambridge CD3 9DD.
For
Further Information:
contact Andreas Pick via email: andreas.pick@econ.cam.ac.uk;
or RES Media Consultant Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095
(email: romesh@compuserve.com).
THE
‘TECHNOLOGICAL GAP’: WHY US ‘NEW ECONOMY’ PRODUCTIVITY GAINS ARE
SUSTAINABLE
It
is reasonable to project the recent productivity gains made by the US economy
into the future, according to Jason
Cummins and Gianluca Violante.
Their research, presented at the Royal Economic Society’s Annual Conference on
Tuesday 26 March, finds that quality improvement in equipment and software
(E&S) explains much of the resurgence of US growth in the 1990s. What’s
more, the speed of adoption of new technologies was driven by the
‘technological gap’ - how much more productive new machines are compared to
the average machine – which grew dramatically. Since this gap continues to
increase, the prospects for future growth are bright.
Since
a substantial increase in the quality of E&S was responsible for much of the
1990s growth resurgence, it may be suspected that such gains are unsustainable.
But these results show that there is a great deal of potential productivity
improvement that remains to be done. The technological gap for E&S between
the productivity of the best technology and the productivity of the average
practice in the economy was 15% in 1975. In 2000, the figure had jumped to 40%.
The technological gap actually increased by five percentage points in the 1990s,
despite the boom in capital spending.
According
to many macroeconomic models, the improvement of the average productivity of
capital depends on the technological gap between the best technology and average
practice and on ‘adaptable labour’, which defines human capital. Cummins and
Violante find that the growth rate of the average practice moves nearly
one-for-one with the technological gap and is correlated with measures of
adaptable labour (such as the shares in the labour force of college graduates
and young workers). Since the technological gap continues to grow, the analysis
suggests that the prospects for future growth remain bright so long as labour
market conditions are not unfavourable.
Quality
improvement in investment goods is pervasive, especially in high-tech
categories. For example, a new PC may have the same price today as a new PC had
five years ago, but if it provides ten times as much computing power as before,
in effect the constant-quality price of the new PC is one-tenth the price of the
old PC. The opportunity cost of innovating - whether it is in producing PCs or
tractors—is forgone consumption. Intuition therefore suggests that a
comparison of constant-quality investment prices with a constant-quality
consumption price is an informative measure of technical change.
The
table breaks down the sources of GDP growth, distinguishing between the
contribution made by the quantity of capital and by the quality of capital. The
quantity of capital is measured in terms of constant-quality consumption units.
The quality of capital is the difference between capital measured in terms of
constant-quality investment prices and capital measured in terms of
constant-quality consumption units. Hence, the quality of capital isolates the
contribution to growth from the quality-adjusted investment price indexes they
construct.
Improvement
in the quality of capital (line 3) explained no more than 0.82 percentage points
of growth until the 1990s, when the contribution jumped to 1.1 percentage
points. Moreover, even in the 1990s, quality improvement in high-tech categories
(line 4), which includes computers, software, communications equipment, and
instruments, was less important than quality improvement outside of high-tech
categories (line 5). Since the contribution of the quantity of capital (line 6)
falls in the 1990s and the contribution of labour (line 9) only edges up,
Cummins and Violante’s findings indicate that the increase in the quality of
capital in the 1990s explains as much of the resurgence in GDP growth as the
increase in multifactor productivity (MFP, line 10).
Sources
of GDP growth (percentage points per year)
|
|
1960-69 |
1970-79 |
1980-89 |
1990-99 |
|
1.
GDP Growth Contribution
of: 2.
Capital 3.
Quality of capital 4.
High-tech 5.
Other 6.
Quantity of capital 7.
High-tech 8.
Other 9.
Labour 10.
MFP |
4.82 2.11 0.79 0.12 0.67 1.33 0.17 1.16 1.26 1.45 |
3.89 2.17 0.61 0.23 0.39 1.56 0.18 1.38 1.24 0.47 |
3.60 2.04 0.82 0.31 0.51 1.23 0.21 1.02 1.40 0.14 |
4.15 2.27 1.10 0.44 0.66 1.17 0.17 1.00 1.48 0.40 |
ENDS
Notes for Editors: ‘Investment-specific Technical Change in the US (1947-2000): Measurement and Macroeconomic Consequences’ by Jason Cummins and Gianluca Violante was presented at the Royal Economic Society’s 2002 Annual Conference at the University of Warwick. Cummins is at the Federal Reserve; Violante is at University College London and is currently visiting the London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE.
For
Further Information:
contact Gianluca Violante on 020-7955-6128 (fax: 020-7831-1840; email: G.Violante@lse.ac.uk; website: http://www.ucl.ac.uk/~uctpgvi); Jason
Cummins on +1-202-452-3037 (email: jason.g.cummins@frb.gov);
RES Media Consultant Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095 (email:
romesh@compuserve.com).
TACKLING
UNEMPLOYMENT: COMPETITION POLICY IS MORE IMPORTANT
THAN LABOUR MARKET FLEXIBILITY
Addressing
imperfections in product markets through competition policy may be a better way
to tackle unemployment than reducing unemployment benefits and rendering labour
markets more flexible. That is the conclusion of new research by Jakob
Madsen of Brunel University, presented at the Royal Economic Society’s
Annual Conference on Tuesday 26 March.
His
study challenges the view held by many economists that unemployment in the OECD
is a result of wages that have been pushed in excess of their full employment
level by easy access to generous unemployment benefits, and by increasing taxes
and pushy unions. Rather, he blames the increasing concentration of firms, which
can have permanent adverse effects on unemployment.
The
study tests the extent to which the level of unemployment exerts downward
pressure on real wage growth, using half a century of data for 18 OECD
countries. The estimates show that the level of unemployment has a strong effect
on wage growth, which suggests that most of the unemployment effects of adverse
supply shocks are eliminated after some years and almost fully after a decade.
Furthermore, the results indicate that the wage growth response is remarkably
similar across countries.
This
result challenges the widely held view among economists that variations in the
unemployment experiences of OECD economies are due to institutional differences
that result in different labour market adjustments. More difficult access to and
lower unemployment benefits combined with relatively low taxes is often stressed
as the key to the relatively low unemployment in the UK, the United States,
Japan and Ireland. By contrast, inflexible labour market institutions have often
been blamed for the high and persistent unemployment in continental Europe.
Madsen challenges this view.
An
adverse supply shock, such as an increase in oil prices, taxes, unemployment
benefits or union pushiness, may lead to higher real wages and therefore higher
unemployment. Although this scenario may follow such shocks, the key point of
Madsen’s analysis is that the effects of the supply shocks on wages will be
short-lived.
An
adverse supply shock that pushes wages in excess of their full employment level
will lead to higher unemployment, which will in turn put downward pressure on
wage growth. The downward pressure on real wage growth will prevail until
unemployment is eliminated or down to a level at which structural forces make it
difficult for it to be reduced further.
The
analytical results of the study show that increasing concentration of firms can
have permanent adverse effects on unemployment. This trend in firm concentration
leads to persistent ‘disequilibrium’ in markets and suggests that addressing
goods market imperfections is a more important policy issue than reducing
unemployment benefits and rendering labour markets more flexible.
Although
several initiatives have already made labour markets more flexible in most OECD
countries since the 1960s and 1970s, unemployment remains high in many OECD
countries despite the recent economic boom, which has been the largest and
longest post-war economic upturn. Madsen suggests that alternative initiatives,
such as competition policy, may be better measures to reduce unemployment.
ENDS
Notes
for Editors:
‘The Dynamics of Income Shares and the Wage Curve-Phillips Curve
Controversy’ by Jakob B Madsen was presented at the Royal Economic Society’s
2002 Annual Conference at the University of Warwick.
Madsen
is in the Department of Economics and Finance, Brunel University, Uxbridge,
Middlesex, UB8 3PH.
For
Further Information:
contact Jakob Madsen on 01895-203168 (email: Jakob.madsen@brunel.ac.uk);
or RES Media Consultant Romesh Vaitilingam on 0117-983-9770 or 07768-661095
(email: romesh@compuserve.com).
Last updated
12th April 2002